The unequal impact of European solidarity on growth

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Recogida de aceitunas en una finca de la provincia de Sevilla, en octubre de 2018.
In full negotiation of the next Community budget, several reports try to assess how cohesion funds in the EU affect the regions.

Europe is about to close a year of celebrations for the 20th anniversary of the birth of the euro. And two decades and a Great Recession later, the great objective pursued by their economies is still not achieved: the North-South gap has not closed. Opening the focus towards the EU as a whole, the regions of central and eastern Europe are the ones that managed to raise their income per capita more quickly and approach the average. The Twenty-seven are now in full negotiations for the next Multiannual Financial Framework, which will be in force between 2021 and 2027. While they hoped to reach an agreement in December, the battle between net taxpayers and recipients (16 countries, including Spain, is they have conjured this Tuesday in Prague to defend the cohesion policy of the EU) has led to parking the achievement of a pact until next year, under the presidency of Croatia or Germany. Coinciding with these conversations, several reports try to assess the impact on the regions of the solidarity policy among EU partners.

The EU finance ministers took stock of this year in Bucharest (Romania), in the framework of an informal meeting, of the results of cohesion policy. On the table, they had a report prepared by the think tank Bruegel, which concluded that the "unsatisfactory convergence" found between countries and regions could lead to "threatening social cohesion" within the EU.

Between 2003 and 2017, according to that document, Lithuania, Latvia, Romania or Poland had grown above 4% annually. This strong expansion allowed them to reduce the abyss with the per capita income of countries such as Germany, where in that period it grew by 1.39% per year. On the other side, in southern Europe, not only was there no convergence, but two countries (Italy and Greece) even worsened, especially because of the crisis. Spain (0.65%), Portugal (0.63%) or Cyprus (0.57%) registered green numbers, but below the northern neighbors. The study shows, then, that the gap was closing in the East and continued to grow in relation to the South.

Another report by Bruegel prepared by researchers Zsolt Darvas, Jan Mazza and Catarina Madoes for the European Parliament comes to the same conclusion. In that same period, between 2003 and 2017, the countries of the East were the ones with the greatest thrust, while southern Europe presented the worst results. On the other hand, a report prepared by the European Central Bank examining the 12 founding countries of the euro concluded that there has been a convergence in terms of economic growth or exports in the last two decades.

But what is the role of cohesion policies? The economic literature in this regard is abundant: the academic world has produced more than 1,000 papers. And not everyone points in the same direction. Bruegel's three researchers (Darvas, Mazza and Madoes) have tried to find out the role of cohesion policy trying to strip the growth rate of the multiple factors that contribute to it. The authors found that this disparity in the expansion between countries was conditioned by the initial wealth of the country - the lower, the more potential - the percentage of workers with professional training, the population density, or the proportion of employees in R&D D + i.

Once all these factors were analyzed, there was an "inexplicable economic growth". And the authors believe, according to Darvas, that this marginal rate is the one that could be explained by cohesion policy, which between 2014 and 2020 was endowed with 367,000 million euros of community funds. And that is what the map shows.

Central and eastern Europe remain the countries whose growth has contributed most to these cohesion funds. The map shows that this expansion derived from the use of these resources was intense in the countries of the East, especially in Romania and Poland. But also in several German land and in the southeast Irish. At the top of the ranking, 10% of the 1,337 regions examined come from 21 different countries. In that league, however, Belgium, Cyprus, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Slovenia and Spain do not play.

The map also indicates a poor performance of some Finnish, French or British regions. A separate case is Greece. Zsolt Darvas, one of the authors of the study, says that that country was left out of the study by finding that 70% of its territory was at the tail of the EU as a result of the brutal consequences of the recession. Six other countries take the tail van: Croatia (48% of its regions), Slovenia (42%), Bulgaria (32%), Finland (32%), Hungary (30%) and Ireland (25%).

How do you explain those differences? Darvas explains that the authors have spoken with several national experts who give clues about differences in use. For starters, those funds are May water for many countries, but they have also been a focus of corruption. In addition to avoiding the misuse of these resources, Bruegel also suggests a certain level of funding to ensure that this money fits the value of the programs and allow an appropriation of those programs.

There is also agreement that good coordination between administrations - central, regional and local - affects performance. Finally, it affects one of the most lively debates now in Brussels, which seeks the formula to link the use of funds with EU objectives. Darvas argues that this could benefit the more developed areas, but not the rest. “The less developed regions have very different needs from the more advanced ones. And there EU priorities may not coincide with local ones, which would reduce the usefulness of cohesion policy”, he adds.

Precisely, the member countries are in full battle for the Multiannual Financial Framework between 2021 and 2027. The European Commission proposes accounts equivalent to 1.11% of Community GDP. However, Germany, Austria, Holland, Denmark or Sweden - the net contributors - are not willing to assume the part left by the United Kingdom and want to limit the budget to 1% of GDP. On the other hand, Spain or Portugal support the Commission document. The Committee of the Regions fears that this will mean a cut in cohesion funds.



SOURCE: El País